Of those territories in the last decade. It is Last Database noteworthy that in the 2013-2017 comparison, that is, between Lasso's first and second participation as a presidential candidate, where his support grew the most was precisely in those indigenous territories. In 2021, Lasso fell back in all Last Database those provinces, but not because Correismo regained Last Database ground, but because Pérez was an electoral alternative. In the absence of Pérez on the ballot for the ballot, where would a good part of those votes go?
The conceptual model allowed them to go to Lasso. But –we Last Database underline– the general trend assumed was that the votes went to Arauz or to nullity, given what we know about the internal composition of Pérez's votes in the first Last Database round (more than a fifth of them came from Quito and the province of Azuay), and, above all, given the informed intuitions we had in this regard. Azuay, traditionally a stronghold of Correismo and where Pérez had his best electoral Last Database performance in the first round of 2021, helps illustrate the argument more clearly. Arauz obtained 21% in the first round, 23 points less than what Moreno achieved in 2017.
The reasons are obvious: in Azuay, Pérez obtained 42% (Hervas, by the Last Database way, reached 15%), and Lasso achieved 14% (less than half of the 32% that it reached in 2017 in the same province). In other words, the votes of the strong bastion of Correismo in the southern Last Database Sierra escaped Arauz in the direction of Pérez. In the absence of Pérez in the second round, Was it not reasonable to suppose that the majority of the partition of Last Database those Pérez votes –we underline “majority”– would “return” to Correista inertia or would become null, as the Pachakutik candidate promoted? What was not reasonable, given the trajectory of Azuay's Correísta and the rest.